The Afghanistan Freedom Front (AFF) is an anti-Taliban armed group active across several regions of Afghanistan. AFF is one of the main armed group
A Clarion Call for Bangladesh: Establishing a Ministry of Human Rights. By William Gomes
The tumultuous events of the past months in Bangladesh have laid bare the urgent need for systemic reform in how the nation protects and promotes the fundamental rights of its citizens. The tragic loss of life, widespread allegations of abuse by security forces, and the ruptures in social cohesion all point to a singular conclusion: Bangladesh must prioritize human rights not just in rhetoric, but in the very structure and function of its governance. Central to this must be the establishment of a dedicated Ministry of Human Rights (MoHR).
The vision for such a ministry is expansive yet essential. It would serve as the anchor and catalyst for a comprehensive, proactive, and accountable approach to safeguarding the dignity and wellbeing of every Bangladeshi. The MoHR's mandate would encompass a wide spectrum of crucial functions - from overseeing and reviewing the human rights landscape, to driving legislative reform, ensuring harmonization with international standards, and facilitating redress for violations.
At its core, the ministry would be the guardian of Bangladesh's obligations under the numerous international human rights treaties it has ratified. These include the core UN human rights conventions, international labor standards, and regional instruments like the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. By establishing dedicated Treaty Implementation Cells, the MoHR would ensure that the principles enshrined in these agreements are not just aspirational words on paper, but living realities woven into the fabric of Bangladeshi law and policy.
Equally vital would be the MoHR's role in bridging the gap between international commitments and domestic implementation. It would spearhead the drafting and enactment of a comprehensive national Human Rights Act, translating Bangladesh's global pledges into an ironclad legal framework. This legislation would not only enshrine fundamental rights and freedoms, but also establish robust mechanisms for their enforcement and remediation.
The MoHR's structure would be designed to penetrate every level of governance, from the capital to the grassroots. Four main wings - Administration, Human Rights, Development, and International Cooperation - would drive its operations under the leadership of the Secretary. The Human Rights Wing, headed by a Director General, would be the lynchpin, with administrative divisions extending to every district. This extensive network would allow for real-time monitoring, early warning, and rapid response to human rights situations across the nation.
Complementing this geographic spread would be a range of specialized units targeting specific vulnerabilities and needs. The Family Protection and Rehabilitation Centre and the National Commission for Child Welfare and Development would safeguard the rights of women, children, and families. The National Child Protection Centre and Helpline for Legal Advice on Human Rights Violations would provide critical services to those most at risk. These units would operationalize the MoHR's commitment to leave no one behind.
However, the MoHR's impact would extend beyond reacting to crises. It would be a proactive force for change, leveraging its Development Wing to mainstream human rights across all sectors and policies. From ensuring that budgets prioritize the most marginalized, to conducting human rights impact assessments of major projects, the ministry would embed a rights-based approach into the heart of Bangladesh's development trajectory.
The MoHR would also be the nation's champion on the global stage. Its International Cooperation Wing would lead engagement with UN mechanisms like the Universal Periodic Review, ensuring that Bangladesh's progress and challenges are transparently shared with the world. It would also actively participate in regional and global forums, learning from best practices and showcasing Bangladesh's own innovations.
Crucially, the MoHR would be the people's partner. Its doors and ears would always be open to civil society, human rights defenders, and most importantly, to every individual who has faced injustice. Through regular public consultations, awareness campaigns, and capacity-building programs, it would demystify human rights and empower citizens to know, demand, and exercise their entitlements.
This accessibility would be bolstered by a network of statutory bodies and ombudspersons, including human rights commissions at both national and local levels. These quasi-independent institutions would serve as additional avenues for redress, amplifying the MoHR's capacity to deliver justice.
Establishing such an expansive machinery will undoubtedly face challenges. Resources, both financial and human, will need to be mobilized on a significant scale. More difficult will be overcoming entrenched resistance from those who benefit from the status quo of impunity and unaccountability.
But these are challenges that must be confronted head-on. The cost of inaction is simply too high - measured in lives lost, dignity denied, and potential unfulfilled. Bangladesh has already paid too steep a price for neglecting the rights of its citizens. It cannot afford to continue down this path.
The good news is that Bangladesh does not have to start from scratch. It can draw inspiration and guidance from the many countries that have established similar ministries and mechanisms. From Afghanistan to Australia, Georgia to Ghana, models abound of how to structure and operationalize a governmental machinery for human rights. Bangladesh can adapt these to its own unique context, building on its own proud tradition of social justice and grassroots mobilization.
Moreover, Bangladesh would not be alone in this endeavor. The international community, particularly the UN human rights system, stands ready to provide technical assistance and capacity-building support. Development partners could be tapped to provide resources and expertise. Most importantly, Bangladesh's vibrant civil society and human rights community would be invaluable allies, bringing decades of experience, commitment, and grassroots legitimacy.
Ultimately, the case for a Ministry of Human Rights in Bangladesh is not just a legal or institutional argument. It is a moral imperative, rooted in the fundamental belief that every human being is born free and equal in dignity and rights. It is a recognition that sustainable peace, prosperity, and progress can only be built on a foundation of justice, inclusion, and respect for human rights.
In the wake of the recent turmoil, Bangladesh faces a choice. It can retreat into the familiar patterns of repression and division, or it can seize this moment as an opportunity for transformative change. Establishing a Ministry of Human Rights would be a powerful signal of which path it chooses.
It would be a declaration to its own citizens that their government is committed to protecting and empowering them, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, gender, or political affiliation. It would be a message to the world that Bangladesh is ready to assume its rightful place as a leader in human rights, not a laggard. Most of all, it would be an investment in a future where every Bangladeshi can live with dignity, security, and freedom.
The journey will not be easy, but it is essential. For in the end, the measure of a nation is not its GDP or its military might, but how it treats its most vulnerable members. By establishing a Ministry of Human Rights, Bangladesh can begin to build a society where every life is valued, every voice is heard, and every dream has a chance to be realized.
The time for action is now. Let Bangladesh rise to this challenge, and let the world stand with it in solidarity and support. For in the struggle for human rights, there can be no bystanders – only upstanders. And in this defining moment, Bangladesh has the opportunity to stand tall and lead the way.
(William Gomes, a British-Bangladeshi anti-racism campaigner, advocate for the rights of displaced people, and a contributor to various publications. He can be reached at wngomes@icloud.com. Follow him on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/williamnicholasgomes and on X at https://x.com/Wnicholasgomes)
The vision for such a ministry is expansive yet essential. It would serve as the anchor and catalyst for a comprehensive, proactive, and accountable approach to safeguarding the dignity and wellbeing of every Bangladeshi. The MoHR's mandate would encompass a wide spectrum of crucial functions - from overseeing and reviewing the human rights landscape, to driving legislative reform, ensuring harmonization with international standards, and facilitating redress for violations.
At its core, the ministry would be the guardian of Bangladesh's obligations under the numerous international human rights treaties it has ratified. These include the core UN human rights conventions, international labor standards, and regional instruments like the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. By establishing dedicated Treaty Implementation Cells, the MoHR would ensure that the principles enshrined in these agreements are not just aspirational words on paper, but living realities woven into the fabric of Bangladeshi law and policy.
Equally vital would be the MoHR's role in bridging the gap between international commitments and domestic implementation. It would spearhead the drafting and enactment of a comprehensive national Human Rights Act, translating Bangladesh's global pledges into an ironclad legal framework. This legislation would not only enshrine fundamental rights and freedoms, but also establish robust mechanisms for their enforcement and remediation.
The MoHR's structure would be designed to penetrate every level of governance, from the capital to the grassroots. Four main wings - Administration, Human Rights, Development, and International Cooperation - would drive its operations under the leadership of the Secretary. The Human Rights Wing, headed by a Director General, would be the lynchpin, with administrative divisions extending to every district. This extensive network would allow for real-time monitoring, early warning, and rapid response to human rights situations across the nation.
Complementing this geographic spread would be a range of specialized units targeting specific vulnerabilities and needs. The Family Protection and Rehabilitation Centre and the National Commission for Child Welfare and Development would safeguard the rights of women, children, and families. The National Child Protection Centre and Helpline for Legal Advice on Human Rights Violations would provide critical services to those most at risk. These units would operationalize the MoHR's commitment to leave no one behind.
However, the MoHR's impact would extend beyond reacting to crises. It would be a proactive force for change, leveraging its Development Wing to mainstream human rights across all sectors and policies. From ensuring that budgets prioritize the most marginalized, to conducting human rights impact assessments of major projects, the ministry would embed a rights-based approach into the heart of Bangladesh's development trajectory.
The MoHR would also be the nation's champion on the global stage. Its International Cooperation Wing would lead engagement with UN mechanisms like the Universal Periodic Review, ensuring that Bangladesh's progress and challenges are transparently shared with the world. It would also actively participate in regional and global forums, learning from best practices and showcasing Bangladesh's own innovations.
Crucially, the MoHR would be the people's partner. Its doors and ears would always be open to civil society, human rights defenders, and most importantly, to every individual who has faced injustice. Through regular public consultations, awareness campaigns, and capacity-building programs, it would demystify human rights and empower citizens to know, demand, and exercise their entitlements.
This accessibility would be bolstered by a network of statutory bodies and ombudspersons, including human rights commissions at both national and local levels. These quasi-independent institutions would serve as additional avenues for redress, amplifying the MoHR's capacity to deliver justice.
Establishing such an expansive machinery will undoubtedly face challenges. Resources, both financial and human, will need to be mobilized on a significant scale. More difficult will be overcoming entrenched resistance from those who benefit from the status quo of impunity and unaccountability.
But these are challenges that must be confronted head-on. The cost of inaction is simply too high - measured in lives lost, dignity denied, and potential unfulfilled. Bangladesh has already paid too steep a price for neglecting the rights of its citizens. It cannot afford to continue down this path.
The good news is that Bangladesh does not have to start from scratch. It can draw inspiration and guidance from the many countries that have established similar ministries and mechanisms. From Afghanistan to Australia, Georgia to Ghana, models abound of how to structure and operationalize a governmental machinery for human rights. Bangladesh can adapt these to its own unique context, building on its own proud tradition of social justice and grassroots mobilization.
Moreover, Bangladesh would not be alone in this endeavor. The international community, particularly the UN human rights system, stands ready to provide technical assistance and capacity-building support. Development partners could be tapped to provide resources and expertise. Most importantly, Bangladesh's vibrant civil society and human rights community would be invaluable allies, bringing decades of experience, commitment, and grassroots legitimacy.
Ultimately, the case for a Ministry of Human Rights in Bangladesh is not just a legal or institutional argument. It is a moral imperative, rooted in the fundamental belief that every human being is born free and equal in dignity and rights. It is a recognition that sustainable peace, prosperity, and progress can only be built on a foundation of justice, inclusion, and respect for human rights.
In the wake of the recent turmoil, Bangladesh faces a choice. It can retreat into the familiar patterns of repression and division, or it can seize this moment as an opportunity for transformative change. Establishing a Ministry of Human Rights would be a powerful signal of which path it chooses.
It would be a declaration to its own citizens that their government is committed to protecting and empowering them, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, gender, or political affiliation. It would be a message to the world that Bangladesh is ready to assume its rightful place as a leader in human rights, not a laggard. Most of all, it would be an investment in a future where every Bangladeshi can live with dignity, security, and freedom.
The journey will not be easy, but it is essential. For in the end, the measure of a nation is not its GDP or its military might, but how it treats its most vulnerable members. By establishing a Ministry of Human Rights, Bangladesh can begin to build a society where every life is valued, every voice is heard, and every dream has a chance to be realized.
The time for action is now. Let Bangladesh rise to this challenge, and let the world stand with it in solidarity and support. For in the struggle for human rights, there can be no bystanders – only upstanders. And in this defining moment, Bangladesh has the opportunity to stand tall and lead the way.
(William Gomes, a British-Bangladeshi anti-racism campaigner, advocate for the rights of displaced people, and a contributor to various publications. He can be reached at wngomes@icloud.com. Follow him on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/williamnicholasgomes and on X at https://x.com/Wnicholasgomes)
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